The Battle of Adrianople sits near the top of the list of misunderstood battles in history, being variously labelled one of the main causes of the fall of the Roman Empire and the battle that launched the medieval practice of knighthood by proving that cavalry was superior to infantry.
Although these misrepresentations are nothing more than
historians injecting fanciful thinking into a situation where detail is
lacking, we don’t want to dismiss the battle as inconsequential. Adrianople was
important because it showed, for the first time, the Visigoths ability to
defeat the Roman army in a real battle, predicting events in the next century
that would lead to the end of the empire in the west. But, let’s not get too
far ahead of ourselves.
Where is Adrianople (current name Edirne)? It sits in near
the Bulgarian Turkish border today, but was located in Thrace during the time
of the Roman Empire. Greek mythology has the city founded by Orestes, son of
the Spartan king Agamemnon, but its name derives from the Emperor Hadrian who
named it as a Roman city during his reign from 117-138 AD. See the map below
for the city’s location.
The
story of the Battle of Adrianople is best told by the Roman historian Ammianus Marcellinus (330-391) in his book Res Gestae
which chronicles the history of the empire from 96-380 AD. Ammianus’ account contains
the usual biases in favor of the side he was representing.
As
his story unfolds in 376 AD, the Visigoths, led by Alavivus and
Fritigern, asked Rome to allow them to settle in the Eastern Roman Empire,
south of the Danube. Hoping that they would become farmers and soldiers, the
Eastern Roman emperor, Valens, allowed
them to cross the river and settle as allies. Unfortunately, the dishonesty of
the provincial commanders Lupicinus and
Maximus led the Goths to revolt after being mistreated. Valens then asked Gratian, the western emperor, for reinforcements
to put down the revolt, so Gratian sent his general Frigeridus with reinforcements and, for
the next two years, there were a series of minor battles with no clear victory
for either side.
In
378, Valens decided to take control of the situation himself. He planned to
bring his own troops from Syria and requested that Gratian bring his
army from Gaul.
Valens
left Antioch for Constantinople, and arrived on the 30th of May. He appointed Sebastianus, newly arrived from Italy, to reorganize the Roman
armies already in Thrace. Sebastianus
picked 2,000 of his legionaries and
proceeded to Adrianople. Meanwhile Fritigern assembled the Gothic forces at Nicopolis and Beroe
to deal with this new Roman threat.
Gratian
had sent part of his field army by boat; with the rest traveling overland.
After learning of Sebastian's success against the Goths and anticipating a
victory of his own, Valens brought his army to Adrianople, where he met with
Sebastian's force. On 6 August, reconnaissance informed Valens that about
10,000 Goths were marching towards Adrianople from the north, about 15 miles
away. This gave Valens time to build a Roman field camp with ditch and rampart.
Gratian
sent a letter asking Valens to wait for the arrival of reinforcements from
before engaging the Goths. Valens' officers also recommended that he wait, but
Valens ignored these warnings, remaining focused on his impending victory. Meanwhile,
the Goths were spying on the Romans, and on August 8th Fritigern
sent an emissary to propose peace and an alliance in exchange for some Roman
territory. Sure that he would be victorious due to his supposed numerical superiority,
Valens rejected these proposals. Unfortunately, his count of the enemy did
not take into consideration the Gothic cavalry which was separated from the
rest of the Gothic army.
On
the morning of 9 August, Valens left Adrianople and headed north. Finally,
after a seven hour march, the Roman army arrived, tired and dehydrated, within
sight of a Gothic camp which had the advantage of elevation. The Goths, except
for their cavalry, defended a wagon circle, containing their families and
possessions. Fritigern's objective was to delay the Romans, so the Gothic
cavalry had time to return. The fields were set on fire by the Goths to delay
and harass the Romans with smoke, and they asked for negotiations for an
exchange of hostages. These negotiations were frustrating to the Roman soldiers
who felt they were in a stronger position, but they gained precious time for
Fritigern.
At
one point, Roman units began the battle without orders to do so, believing they
would have an easy victory, and perhaps over-eager to finally defeat the Goths
after two years of attempting to achieve a decisive victory. After a strong
advance, the Roman left-wing reached the circle of wagons, but it was too late. The
Gothic cavalry appeared in support of its infantry and turned the tide of the
battle. As Ammianus tells it:
“The foot-soldiers thus stood unprotected, and their
companies were so crowded together that hardly anyone could pull out his sword
or draw back his arm. Because of clouds of dust the heavens could no
longer be seen, and echoed with frightful cries. Hence the arrows whirling
death from every side always found their mark with fatal effect, since they
could not be seen beforehand nor guarded against. But when the barbarians,
poring forth in huge hordes, trampled down horse and man, and in the press of
ranks no room for retreat could be gained anywhere, and the increased crowding
left no opportunity for escape, our soldiers also, showing extreme contempt of
falling in the fight, received their death-blows, yet struck down their
assailants; and on both sides the strokes of axes split helmet and breastplate. Here
one might see a barbarian filled with lofty courage, his cheeks contracted in a
hiss, hamstrung or with right hand severed, or pierced through the side, on the
very verge of death threateningly casting about his fierce glance; and by the
fall of the combatants on both sides the plains were covered with the bodies of
the slain strewn over the ground, while the groans of the dying and of those
who had suffered deep wounds caused immense fear when they were heard. In
this great tumult and confusion the infantry, exhausted by their efforts and
the danger, when in turn strength and mind for planning anything were lacking,
their lances for the most part broken by constant clashing, content to fight
with drawn swords, plunged into the dense masses of the foe, regardless of
their lives, seeing all around that every loophole of escape was lost. The
ground covered with streams of blood whirled their slippery foothold from under
them, so they could only strain every nerve to sell their lives dearly; and
they opposed the onrushing foe with such great resolution that some fell by the
weapons of their own comrades. Finally, when the whole scene was discolored
with the hue of dark blood, and wherever men turned their eyes heaps of slain
met them, they trod upon the bodies of the dead without mercy. Now the sun
had risen higher, and when it had finished its course through Leo, and was
passing into the house of the heavenly Virgo, scorched the Romans, who
were more and more exhausted by hunger and worn out by thirst, as well as
distressed by the heavy burden of their armor. Finally our line was broken by
the onrushing weight of the barbarians, and since that was the only resort in
their last extremity, they took to their heels in disorder as best they could.”
The
Gothic cavalry continued their attack and killing did not end until nightfall. Valens
was abandoned by his guards, and when some soldiers tried to retrieve him, they
were unsuccessful. His final fate is unknown and his body was never found.
Ammianus
states that a third of the Roman army was able to retreat from the battle, but
the losses were substantial. Many officers, among them the general Sebastian,
were killed in the worst Roman defeat since the Battle of Edessa, fought 120 years before. Adrianople
was a significant blow for the late Empire, resulting in the destruction of the
core army of the eastern Empire, the deaths of valuable administrators, and the
destruction of all of the arms factories on the Danube following the battle. Despite
these losses, the battle did not mark the end of the Roman army because the
imperial military power was restored soon after.
Ultimately,
the Romans lost this battle due to their own mistakes: overconfidence,
impatience, and poor planning. If Valens had waited for reinforcements, the
outcome would probably have been different. His poor planned march left his
army exhausted before battle (he didn’t learn the lesson of Trebbia), and
weakened their endurance. He paid the ultimate price for his own stupidity.
The
defeat at Adrianople showed that the barbarians, fighting against the Romans,
had become powerful adversaries. The Goths, though partly tamed by Valens'
successor Theodosius I, were never again expelled, exterminated, or
assimilated. They remained as a distinct entity within the Roman frontier, for
a time allies, and then later as victors over the empire.
2 comments:
Mike, great overview of the battle. You, like every other modern historian I've seen comment on this battle, do not hold back in your condemnation of Valens--"He paid the ultimate price for his own stupidity." Have you seen anyone, anywhere try to defend him? Usually, when everyone is agreeing so aggressively, I tend to start questioning our collective conclusion.
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